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Thursday, December 13, 2012

RA 9344, The Juvenile Justice and Welfare Act of 2006; A Product of Congressional Overreaching Advocacy and Executive Hypocrisy

RA 9344 or Juvenile Justice and Welfare Act of 2006; A Product of Congressional Hypocrisy and the Executive Department’s Faked Advocacy
A reading of this law, which its proponents claim to be hailed around the world as progressive and a landmark piece of legislation, gives you a sense of the author’s (Sen. Francis “Kiko” Pangilinan) misplaced and fancied idealism. It fails to consider the government’s track record in implementing infrastructure aspects of legislation that are executive in nature. And the excuse is often fashioned as, and perennially attributed to, lack of funds.
In the case of this particular law, they go as shameless far as to claim lack of funds, lack of proper training and education of prosecutors and law enforcers on the intricacies of the law, etc. It is like reading a template with some tweaks here and there made to suit the peculiarities of a subject law.
Susmariosep, if this is so, then what’s the incentive or compulsion in making sure that laws succeed, when their failure has, by time, developed a “rubber stamp” justification.
No amount of excuses should exonerate any agency or department of government for its failure to implement the infrastructure of a law (which I will explain below), especially so that a law’s passage is, to a large extent, rationalized and persuaded by the safety nets these infrastructures provide.
Infrastructure of law is the aspect of legislation that makes the whole desirable and workable. Omit it and the entire complexion of the law changes substantially, so that legislators may not have been swayed in favor of its enactment had it not been in place.
Metaphorically, it is the pairing leg to a two-legged law, the other leg being the substance of the law. The latter is what the law is trying to achieve: in this case, to restore a child-offender to his former state or reform him, to becoming a productive member of society. The former, the mechanism to make sure that children are rescued and given the needed care, attention, and affection, to keep the human material in them, and prevent them from graduating into hardened and calloused criminals, which in turn, should take them out of the application or protection of RA 9344.
In other words, there is a staging period between one point where a street child is innocent and another where he would have become “hardened” by difficult experiences to a point of incorrigibility. It is in that stage that the government, through the JJWC, should act in carrying out the design of the law if it is to apply the leniency and protection thereof. Otherwise, a child offender (incorrigibly hardened) should be treated, under the law, just like any other offender.
We should not risk the safety of our children and the society, in general, by allowing these kids criminals back to the open in hope that they reform and forget the pleasures, sense of being, nay power, they inordinately savored during their criminal reign.
Anent RA 9344, it pertains to provisions, anchored on its declared state policy, to wit:
“(c) The State likewise recognizes the right of children to assistance, including proper care and nutrition, and special protection from all forms of neglect, abuse, cruelty and exploitation, and other conditions prejudicial to their development.”
They are particularly enumerated under Chapter I Title III of the law: the roles of Family, The Educational System, The media, The establishment and strengthening of Local Councils for the Protection of Children, and further scattered over the four corners of the document embodying this legislation.
In effect, the persuasion power of this law is in the character of prevention of the Infrastructure provision, as gleaned from the cited policy of the state. If the state truly recognizes, as a policy, what the law had written in it, then this law can have its shot at success. If the state truly recognizes the right of children to assistance, care and nutrition, protection from all forms of neglect, abuse, cruelty, and exploitation, then we should see much less of this eventuality-turned juvenile offenders, such that delinquency rates would have sensibly and realistically gone down to earn it the label of success.
Sadly, the Juvenile Justice and Welfare Council (JJWC), has failed and continues to fail to execute its mandate.
This ineptitude, inaction, and irresponsibility have augured well for criminals who prey on the youth, exploiting their extentual criminal immunity, and making them foot soldiers in carrying out their nefarious activities.
I agree that these kids are were innocent, or at least that’s how they started. However, consider them erstwhile innocent to be more precise. Before they were rounded up by hooligans as recruits, they have been longtime occupants of the streets. Unwanted, uncared for, abused, and hungry, they are exactly the subject of the infrastructure provision of this law.
Had the government, through the JJWC, a fourteen-member council, representing seven prime departments of government, with extra 2 representative from NGOs, done its mandate under the law, these kids should have been taken out of the streets into state-sponsored caring institutions, as designed in the law, before they had been steeled and hardened by their ensuing difficult experiences.
Now, these once pitiful and harmless kids, by painful neglect of their plights, have become calloused and have turned into monsters that no longer fit the description of the intended subject of the law, as contemplated by legislators.
The bad guys all along are out there watching and waiting for the right time to do their easy pickings. Syndicates know that the best way to a hungry child’s heart is through the stomach. Feed them, and promise them more of things, which theretofore they could only dream of, and they’ll jostle mightily to get counted. Then they start stealing, stabbing, and shooting. WITH DISCERNMENT.
Now, the government in its attempt to defend this law, wants us to believe that, while admitting that this has not succeeded yet, they are ready to get their acts together to put all in place for this law to work.
What baloney! It’s like saying “sorry, we might have to endure more senseless deaths and varied crimes (authored by these menace called by euphemism ‘children in conflict with law,’ which is insulting to their victims) while we try to catch up. Yes you might have to continue dying, losing properties, dealing with threats, in the meantime. You are advised to take the necessary precautions.”
That’s how this sounds to those who lost loved ones’, limbs, property to, and/or traumatized by, these monsters.
Hell I’m not going to put up with this. They come to me or my kids, I’ll shoot them, and I will bill the government for allowing these criminals, hardened as they are, to prowl the streets and victimize us, hapless law-abiding citizens.
The world is upside down: the lawful constituents of society are now at the mercy of the lawless and anarchists.
Congress had better wake up and institute corrective legislative measures by ending this stupid law, and not falling, again, for empty promises that make people’s safety contingent to the government’s supposed efficiency, something it’s hardly known for.
Restorative justice, diversion and diversion programs, interventions, etc.: words that lace this law are nothing but lofty rhetoric. No wonder we’re tagged as a country of slogans and acronyms, and that’s all.
We say to the government: Until you’re ready, don’t put us before a barrel of a gun.
Don’t trial-and-error with people’s lives, lest you end up dealing with vigilante groups forced to take matters in their own hands to protect themselves, when they see the state leaves itself helpless to protect its own people.
Pnoy should rally his liberal congress occupants to arrest this before more lives are wasted if he wants to give meaning to his the battle cry of “Matuwid na Daan?”
 

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